Glezos

Wednesday, 25 May 2011

Greeks Occupy Central City Squares Arab Style




Maria Damanaki ex-KKE but PASOK for the last two decades and a Euro
Commissioner
http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/damanaki/index_en.htm
stated in the EU today that 'either the Greeks adopt the 2nd round of
cuts and privatisations' with a unity across the two major parties, or
Greece will return to the Drachma.


Taking into account her current postion as an EU Fisheries Minister,
she cant be saying things without high level agreement with
Papandreou. It is being used to threaten and cajole the Opposition
Parties (var the KKE) to allow PASOK to get through its legislative
programme of more cuts by forcing the 180 votes required in Parliament
this time (2/3 of total) otherwise the government will fall. New
Demccracy traidtionally the pro-American party may be seeking a Euro
exit for Greece.


The government doesn't seek elections as it would lose so it is now
pushing for a Plebiscite for the new round of measures sought by the
IMF


At the same time over the last few days, influenced by the Spanish
events 300 Greeks have occupied Sindagma Square (most of them are ex-
Spitha members) and today they called a facebook protest on the square
and 150,000 have signed up on Facebook which has collapsed in Greece.


We Have Woken Up- in Both Greek and Spanish


Athens Madrid Lisbon All of Europe on the Path of Struglle are two of
the banners and slogans shouted.


Tell the Government we wont sell our Country, tell the Politicians to
Leave said one demostrator on live streaming
http://www.zougla.gr/page.ashx?pid=85&playerType=flashe streaming


VN Gelis


All night discussion occuring in the central squares about what to do next.
A main issue is to stay there until the government leaves or for workers to join protests nightly after work if they cant be there round the clock.

The discussion are occurring in a fraternal manner and it is reminiscent of the last days of the junta. The police so far hasn't attacked the demonstrators with tear gas, but the night is long and one doesn't know what will happen. Some will obviously leave but some will return. The spirit is to fight, most of the mass media has ignored it, but it is widespread on the internet.

Facebook and mobile phones where initially blocked in the square but they have returned. The other issue is whether the organised left will join the protests and try to derail them into a safe for capitalism direction. There is a very large component of youth who were organised via the social media and if it lasts during the night and into the morning it will be difficult to get Athens moving.

So workers may end up joining the protests in the morning...

Some pictures from Indymedia
http://athens.indymedia.org/front.php3?lang=el&article_id=1295118

26th may-Update
The police didn't tear gas the massed crowds. A contingent of workers from the electricity workers union GENOP-DEI arrived with a large banner and the crowd supported them.

They placed their banner and shouted slogans outside the Economics Ministry which is on Sindagma Sq which stated We Dont Sell, We Cant Be Sold and shouted slogans, cheap electricity for the masses.

The main media hasn't really promoted it and Facebook was downed a few times alongside mobile phone networks in the centre when people were gathering. The fact that it occurred in every Greek city means there is a shift now and one doesn't know how it will develop as they aren't controlled by the trade union bureaucracy or the political Left and as such it is still new. If nightly gatherings persist and gain in volume it may develop into a real conflict if it isn't derailed or controlled. But by creating a power vacuum, with the state not initially intervening in a heavy hand manner which it has done over the last 12 months every time Greeks have gathered in the centre, may imply the government is looking for an exit, but as yet does not know how or where to go...

Slogans from last night
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fzk2tjCzsuQ&feature=player_embedded


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------






EE Oh Oh, take the IMF and Get Out...



Democracy, Freedom and Justice


A magical night as in Argentina we will wait to see who gets in the Helicopters first'


Greece of Greek bankers, snitches, usurers, exploiters


'Bread, Education, Freedom, the Junta didn't Die in '73'


Leave the Weapons and Join Us


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fzk2tjCzsuQ&feature=player_embedded

26th May 2011
Although a greekwebsite one gets a flavour of the demos in the various cities of Greece including the island Rhodes.

http://www.zougla.gr/page.ashx?pid=2&aid=317762&cid=4

For a second night thousands turned up in Sindagma Sq and an open air debate occurred. But it started raining...

Some of the slogans that have been heard by the alleged 'apolitical' audience as reported now by the mass media... most of these rhyme in Greek so translation is difficult.

George (Papandreou) you Wanker we Didn't Come Here for a Joke

31st May 2011

The occupation continues for a 7th night.

Some scenes with the background music of a new song by a popular Greek singer called Cooking Pot about how empty it will become.... and a lot more.



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ydMN1PITgp8&feature=player_embedded



The media hasn't interviewed people on the square and just mentions it.



7,000 attended a meeting in the centre with Theodorakis as speaker and many shouted for Papandreou to leave now. Theodorakis said this film has been replayed before in 1944 with his grandfather in the same place (implying that this led to defeat of the Left) and he got booed for it...



A video of the speech today.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=6aA3AjzYOUo



From the video one can clearly discern the waving of Greek flags and the social composition of the audience which clearly isn't middle class.



Greece will allegedly receive its 5th interim loan this week after agreement by Merkel, but massive cuts in benefits are going to be the payback, so it looks like the demos on the streets of the major cities in Greece will continue as the crisis aint going away.




1st June
Last night after the Theodorakis speech thousands surrounded the entrances to Parliament changing Thieves Thieves Politicians not allowing them to leave. When some got into their chauffeur driven cars, they were sworn at, rude hand gestures Greek style were made to them and some were followed by old ladies along the narrow pavements. As the police deemed it would spiral out of control some were rushed to other exits than the main ones along dark pathways leading to the national park adjacent to Parliament.



For the whole of today the mass media has attacked the protestors as being basically hooligans alleging Greeks are as bad as Mugabe and that this is a massive attack on Parliamentarism, not the IMF measures which are crippling the country. They are also alleging that these are acts against democracy and elected Parliament, whilst thieving pensions and creating mass unemployment are obviously democratic acts of a flourshing social system which condemns people to a slow and arduous death. They then brought out the riot police to surround the side entrances to Parliament without attacking the protestors but guarding those who wanted to leave Parliament.



One of the leaders of the Euros today Alavanos, not having appeared to support the movement of the Disgruntled (which is what it is being labelled by the media) stated the Left should depart from Parliament. The peaceful nature of the protests which have gone on for one week now is nearing an end. The situation will end up spiralling out of control. If people in such large numbers have gone on the streets they will end up staying until the govt departs. Allready a big banner has replaced all others stating We Will Stay Until the IMF, the Govt and the Debt Goes.



Either the government will have to attack the demonstrators at some stage, or clear the area on some hygiene issue or it will have to depart. What happened last night has raised the morale of all undoubtedly, the streets will undo what the IMF politicians created...



Video of politicians and drivers trying to leave Parliament

http://www.tsantiri.gr/koinonia-kinimata/dite-se-vinteo-aganaktismenous-na-apodokimazoun-vouleftes-me-vrisies-ke-katares.html

June 3rd 2011


Two events yesterday have hit the mass media.
Govt spokesperson Petalotis went to give a speech at a pensioners club in Argiroupoli a working class district of Athens and the local residents confronted him and he had to be scurried out via the back door.
Riot police were called out to control the crowds of workers and pensioners...

Argiroupoli events video
http://tro-ma-ktiko.blogspot.com/2011/06/videos.html

In the meantime in Corfu Greek politicians and invited Euro MP's were scurried out by yachts after leaving a hall they were meeting in by a port due to the massed citizens protesting and calling in one of their slogans for the whole of Greece to become like Keratea (are that defeated the IMF govt after they attempted to impose a rubbish dump)

Corfu events
http://www.dailymotion.com/jvnadr#videoId=xj1zm4

16 PASOK MP's have writtent a letter to Papandreiou showing reservations against the new round of cuts for the 5th interim bailout package which in reality is an accounting trick as no money ever arrives in Greece from the IMF it is just funnelled away from peoples pockets to the banksters.

The next few weeks are going to be crucial as Greeks are still congregating in the main squares and this Sundays event is billed to be the biggest ever...

KKE
CP leader Papariga has come out firmly against a return to the drachma and does not even call for elections or the government to go now. It hasn't called its members to take part in the demos in the main squares and it is doing everyghing in its power to prop up the IMF govt, but it will start to lose many of its younger followers in the coming period...

Wednesday, 4 May 2011

Greece One Year of the IMF: Decay and Depression




Economic and Social Crisis
On the anniversary of the IMF-ECB takeover of Greece it would be good to make an assessment of the situation to see what has happened and how the situation might develop in the coming period.

In 2009 the debt was E300 billion and it became E330billion or 140% of GDP and by the end of 2011 it will equal around E350billion or around 150% of GDP. So two years of monetary austerity and widespread cuts in pensions, wages, etc has led to an increase in the debt and a massive increase in the percentage of debt in relation to GDP. The government has stated that public debt will drop to 60% of GDP within a decade and one would require an average growth rate of 6.5%. That isn’t occurring as in 2010 the actual economy declined by 6%. In 2011 it has been predicted to fall by 4.4%. Son in two years it will decline by 10% of GDP. So depression economics actually increased both debts and deficits and points to only one direction: restructuring of the debt or bankruptcy. Restructuring the debt is a form of bankruptcy as the creditors have to accept a haircut either in the interest rates they expect in return or in the actual amount they have allegedly loaned by buying up government bonds. At the same time due to the overheating of the German economy (rise in exports and inflationary pressures) the ECB has stated that interest rates have to rise. So specifically for the PIGS, when their economy have negative growth rates by increasing the interest rates you push them further into a debt/bankruptcy spiral and push the Euro further onto the path of disintegration. The issue of credit default swaps as well indicates that a section of foreign bankers want bankruptcy to gain from the bets they have made, on the economy tanking.
According now to other figures, Greek social security (IKA) has had a drop in payments from E2.2billion in 2009 to E1.6billion due to the massive rise in unemployment which hovers around 1,000 citizens a month, or 15.1%. Taking into account one is only paid for one full year then when one comes off the unemployment register that does not mean one is now ...employed. Around 800,000 people have lost their work as shopowners and their insurance known as TEVE does not pay any unemployment pay and if you owe more than E8,000 you cannot claim a pension until you have paid it off. Alongside that they have extended the pensionable age, so if someone is around 55 and his shop has gone bankrupt recently they would not be able to claim a pension or have any health cover for at least 5 years when they are pensioned off, as Greece has a US style health cover system, with payments mandatory on a monthly basis before any cover is granted.

The National Bank of Greece in a recent study stated that average losses for workers in the public sector are equal to 13.5% for the private sector are 14% and for the pensioners around 11.5%. With unofficial inflation running around 7% that equals on average a collapse in average spending power around 20% in one year. This by itself is crippling the private sector as without spending power the market starts to implode as it is doing daily as on average 1,000 are becoming unemployed. The IMF government assumes the whole issue is about public expenditure and the main focus of all government and media propaganda is regarding the high costs of the crippled Greek welfare state.

At the same time we are witnessing the mass de-industrialisation of Greece and the collapse of its agricultural sector whereby for example sugar imports now come from abroad alongside garlic all the way from China, unheard of imports three decades ago when Greece joined the EU under the guise that these sectors would be developed, but instead were destroyed.

The usurious interest rates by the EU are also an amazing feat of modern economics as the ECB loans with 1% interest rates but the payout of Greek bonds are 6%, thus allowing a difference of 5% which when calculated on a yearly basis is equal for what has been borrowed to E5billion equivalent to the annual wage budget of the public sector. The one which has been targeted to be cut to the bone, privatised, sub-contracted, deregulated and whatever other modern form of slavery collapsing capitalism comes up with.

The level of decay has reached US proportions with the police announcing that women shouldn’t travel at night anymore in Athens as they are liable to be robbed and daily we hear stories of bank lootings, supermarket robberies and robberies of pensioners in their homes, unheard of events in Greece. Three four star hotels have closed in the centre of Athens as well which were the pride and joy when the Olympic (Coca Cola) Games hit the town, as well as the recent bloody looting of the Lawyers Union offices in central Athens. But the police has been unable to fill up its cars and no longer turn up for crimes as they cannot/do not want to as even a few of them have fallen victim to shootings.

Media reports also speak about Greeks handing over young children to orphanages for the first time in decades trying to ensure a better life for them. Child benefits are under attack as the latest story is the social security benefits have collapsed due to the ageing population alongside the support provided to neighbouring Balkan states whereby their social security contributions could be added onto the Greek system if they worked in Greece for two years and were near pensionable age. Tens of young women mostly from African countries now ply their trade in central Athenian squares when the sun goes down for as little as 5Euros and there have even been shootouts between indigenous gypsies and Asian beggars in rubbish dumps with a few victims

IMF-ECB vs Welfare State
A massive programme of cuts in both schools and hospitals has been inaugurated recently by the IMF-ECB. 10% of schools are to be merged, what happens to the positions of staff is still not well explained but a new law is being implemented whereby staff can be made flexible and transferable across the whole of the public sector, including other cities, but if one is already married and they have commitments in one city, this will be an explosive issue alongside the fact that many parents who lived in villages can no longer travel 25km twice daily to take their children to schools. Thus for the first time since the civil war era many will no longer send their children to school. In almost every town square in Athens there are banners up by people announcing their opposition to these mergers. In one town in northern Greece students started a hunger strike in the town square with tents. The IMF-ECB targets primarily the welfare state as they are considered to be unproductive.

Hospital suppliers in medicine have had their payments frozen and they have gone on strike refusing to supply the hospitals. Twice in the last year there has been a non-payments strike and many thousands of Greek citizens relying on medicine have had their supplies cut and have tried to source medicine from abroad to survive. The IMF-ECB has obviously seen how much is being spent on health in general and they have cut the overall budget alongside the fact that they have sub-contracted many essential parts of health care to private companies such as scanning, etc. nutrition. There are 140 govt hospitals and 2 university hospitals. There is talk of merging around 40 of them and over the last two weeks two central university teaching hospitals closed overnight with issues for patients in their care who were advised just to up sticks and leave. Alongside this situation many A&E wards just close down in order to make savings without it being pre-announced. Just before Easter two university hospitals closed down overnight and hospital patients were carted off. The IMF induced measures aim to cripple health and weaken the standards one has been used to accept and return once more to a fully privatised health service, but this has been difficult to openly announce as PASOK is the party that created the Greek style NHS in the 1980’s.

Mass privatisation and strikes against the IMF
The governments announcement of the mass privatisation of almost every remaining state interest in transport, energy, land etc in order to raise E50billion Euros between 2012-2015 aims to destroy all working class gains and reduce the Greek working class into total and absolute penury replacing it as has already occurred in the private sector into a multi-national globalised footloose force which will have no roots, no unions and zero political representation. Under these conditions since the last big general strike various battles have occurred.

In the last 12 months there have been 8 general strikes and two solid truckers strikes one of which lasted almost one month and was sold out by its union misleaders. There have also been many strikes in the ports which have had only 24 hour duration.

Constant small, but significant battles have occurred by groups of workers in transport, bus and metro and by part-time council workers who have renewable contracts. Bus workers have been the most militant as they have a significant history being the only group of workers who brought down a government in the early 1990’s when a previous government tried to privatise them. They have had many mass meetings and have had many days of strike. But the government has been restrained from announcing that they be privatised as the bitter experience of that battle may trigger an indefinite walkout which may become a pole of attraction for other groups of workers. The union tops are obviously trying to let off steam and may end weakening their morale when everyone knows what is needed is joint indefinite strike action by all transport workers or uniting with the movement Cant Pay Wont Pay and calling for workers to travel for free.

Part-time council workers occupied the Athens Mayoral office for the best part of two months demanding full time contracts as some have done the same job for years but have been on part-time contracts so they lose out on other benefits. In the meantime a lawsuit went through the Greek high courts vindicating all part-time workers prior to 2001. This led to the part-time council workers mistakenly ending their occupation.

When the Health Minister Loverdos went to give a speech to an old peoples social centre in a working class district in North Athens Ag. Anargirous he was confronted by pensioners and unemployed youth and this became a national issue for the government as they cannot speak publically almost anywhere anymore without the presence of riot police and tear gas. They have lost almost total support.
Apart from token one day strikes the national railworkers who founded much of the early socialist tradition in Greece at the turn of the last century, there hasn’t been any dynamic action when at the same time due to the cuts, all international connections between Greece and the rest of Europe has been cut. No train services now go to Europe at all and taking into account in the summer months many neighbouring countries use them to go on holiday in northern Greece this is a massive collapse of transport relations. Alongside the almost total shutdown of Olympic Airways (despite the electoral announcements by Papandreou that he would support them) and the sell-off of its most profitable routes to the USA, Australia, S Africa where significant Greek communities live abroad, transport in Greece is heading into a transport meltdown for the crucial summer season which brings in tourist revenue.

Joining the Imperialist Armada against Libya
Greece despite its financial situation has had not one iota of apprehension in joining the imperialist armada against Libya with a frigate and the use of all Greek airspace as well as full rights for the US airbase in Suda in Crete. Recently they also held joint military exercises with Israel taking on the role of its best friend at the moment its relations with Turkey have cooled down.

Cant Pay Wont Pay-Social Movements
A movement based on not paying road tolls to the large private corporations which got government subsidies to build motorways has been centred on the main national roads and on roads which haven’t as yet been built and the cost of driving your car through them took on a national focus. This movement then spread to the metro, tram and bus system in Athens. Price rises of 40% in the last two months on public transport were the issue that provoked this anger giving growth to this movement. We have also had protestors raiding police stations and trying to cancel all the police prosecutions for those who have refused to pay. This is the single issue that has united all wings of the Left. It doesn’t have as yet practical public support as people who are working, still have to get to work and one cannot avoid paying tickets all the time, but when the protestors arrive and block the entrance ticket stamping machines, people cannot physically use tickets that they bought. Recently, it is alleged, the machines which issue tickets in one station have been smashed literally by using large hammers.

The PASOK government initially labelled all the protestors ‘cheapskates’ then as the movement grew into weekly events then daily events in various stations around Athens, they changed tone and started talking about reducing the road tolls by almost 50%. They have announced this to occur, but it hasn’t occurred as yet. No movement on reducing the price rises in other modes of transport has been announced.

Meltdown of the Left
The KKE recently held an evening rally which only a few months before would have had a minimum of 15,000 but now only had a couple of thousand and they couldn’t even block the roads around Sintagma Square. Soon their evening rallies may be held just on pavements. They offer no fighting programme for the unemployed, they have organised no right to work rallies, they do not campaign for anything more than what the Greek GSEE – TUC does which is 24hour token strikes, the next being 11th May (9th so far) and they continue to march separately, along different routes and disperse in an unheard of destination for all Greek demos, near the tourist area of the Akropolis, avoiding Parliament-Sindagma Sq incase protestors are emboldened as they were last May to storm it.

The May Day Demo this year had very few participants and it had three different demos, one for the KKE-PAME the other for the Greek TUC-Euros and another for the leftists/anarchists. The KKE’s block only had a few thousand and it marched to the French Embassy for the war in Libya. The disunity continues in stark contrast to the battle of Keratea which had zero influence from the Left and stood on its own and forced the government into retreat.

Euros
In a recent meeting on the issue of the Euro and the Debt where representatives of the pro-european wing of the Euros invited S Kouvelakis (from a London University who is allied with C Lapavitsas) to speak who argued that Greece should stop all payments to its creditors, withdraw from the Euro and restore the Drachma as a means of restoring monetary and fiscal policy and introducing controls in the economy as it is faced with a depression and ECB set interest rates which will cripple it further, he was rounded on as wanting to isolate Greece and become a modern version of Albania cut off from the outside world. Kouvelakis avoided calling for the departure of Greece from the EU as this would have been step too far for the Euros and one of their leaders, Lafazanis did ask the audience what would they do if they suddenly found themselves in power? He answered his own question by stating they would be obliged to propose cuts, meaning that once the electoral tap of state funds propping up the official Left runs dry, they may have to repeat 1989 once more (when they last joined coalition governments of both the Right and PASOK). The discussion was centred on managing capitalism as opposed to overthrowing it.

Spitha Movement-Theodorakis
On the other hand there have been many high profile resignations from the Spitha movement due to the backdoor deals between Theodorakis and certain foreign centres of power which seek to promote a government of ‘personalities’ as opposed to a government of politicians who are so visibly detested in this present jucncture, that it appears they are trying to repeat the ‘liberalisation’ period of the last days of the Greek military junta when a General called Markezini was propelled to power, but they couldn.t avoid the occupation of the Polytechnic and the subsequent continuous demonstrations which led to the fall of the military in 1974. After the fall, Theodorakis having travelled to the US Pentagon proposed the option of ‘Karamanlis or Tanks’ with Karamanlis being a Presidential candidate from the Right, in order to block the possibility of a socialist solution to the fall of the junta. As if to underscore this tragedy the name of Markezini has popped up again, but not in the form of the father but the son, who is now a Sir and lives in London as a new interim Prime Minister in the post-Papandreou era, to continue to implement IMF policies, in other words buying time for the oligarchic ruling elites from workers anger. This has created many splits and divisions in this new found movement and it appears Theodorakis was only interested in using those that joined, to a pre-planned hidden agenda.

Committee Against ‘Odious Debt’
A group of academics and people from the wider Left has set up a campaign to classify the debt Greece owes to international bankers as being odious and that they should default like the 30odd other countries that have done since the 1970’s around the world. The media has presented some of their findings and some of the information regarding their investigations has reached the light of day, like some facts regarding Siemens bribery deals to secure big Greek public defence orders or infrastructure projects as well as the fact that a large percentage of overseas debt is just interest and that the original amounts borrowed have been paid many times over.

Post-Papandreou Era and Continuing the Same IMF Policies..
The PASOK government is a busted flush. Its writ no longer runs as evidenced in Keratea. It has lost almost all credibility. The massive abstention in the local elections when 4.5million Greeks around 85% if the electorate refused to take part in October’s 2010 elections indicates a massive swing against all politicians and parties. There are open rebellions in almost every layer of society. They are left with two options. Either to go for new elections or to suspend due process and go for a government of ‘personalities’ as has been stated has been offered to the Theodorakis movement of Spitha (which was set up officially to be a new force on the Left, not an old one which will collaborate with the IMF!)
The media which in Greece operates as a precursor to evenst by moulding ‘public opinion’ has been promoting all the close collaborators of the Spitha movement and all intellectuals both in constitutional affairs also in economics regarding the foreign debt and the agreements with the IMF, showing that they are both unconstitutional and odious and that they should be cancelled forthwith. Whether they are able to postpone the inevitable of Arab style continuous protests in central city squares when unemployment continues to rise inexorably and businesses go bust daily will be one of the modern wonders of our time. A spark will this time light a fire.

Wednesday, 20 April 2011

Eyewitness Account-Greece, Keratea in Struggle against EU Landfill Regulations












Situated in the middle of a green agricultural belt on the way to historical Lavrio (an area that goes back to ancient times) there has been a battle going on between the few thousand citizens and the dictats of the ruling IMF political party PASOK. Despite the fact that 4.5 m Greeks abstained out of a total electorate of 6m in Octobers regional and local elections, a battle has been waged since November over the decision to place a landfill right in the middle of an archaeological area and an area of natural beauty. The fate of the IMF government may actually be hanging on a thread. A rural area of Athens has been under constant riot police occupation for over 4 months. Daily battles ensue with riot police, tear gas, smoke bombs and baton charges has been the reality for many in that area. How no one so far has died has actually been a miracle.


Keratea Resistance Festival 8-10th April


Supported by the local mayor and the embattled citizens who have built roadblocks and occupation buildings the intellectual middle classes came to support the citizens with shows, art, poetry, plays, music. More than 50 different participating organisations, with around 35,000 people arriving in the embattled zone came over the three day period. Provisional camp sites were set up, mobile toilets, the traditional souvlaki barbeques and copious amounts of wine, beer and ouzo. The working people of Athens showed their solidarity to the citizens.

Riot police in their tens have been stationed in the area for up to 16 hours a day, attacking citizens, hitting pensioners, arresting young people and generally trying to implement the dictats of the government which without consultation decided where to place a new landfill despite court rulings that they cannot be placed on archaeological sites. But the government that wanted to sell off the Akropolis to pay the foreign banksters has no such reservations. Citizens in Keratea described how the riot police invaded their round the clock blockade at 345am and beat the few citizens up there to a pulp by stating at the same time, ‘you will all die’ go home.


Due to the success of the resistance festival the citizens of Keratea proceeded to a new wave of struggle by digging up the main roads passing between Keratea and Lavrio with road diggers in the middle of the night. When the riot police found out about it the next day they stormed the citizens reaching right up to their houses with many injured on both sides and many going to hospital. No media outlet has gone to interview ANY citizens about the events. It is becoming clear, that without a resolution of this issue the governments dictats are being questioned fundamentally. That implies that either they have to win, or fall


The Left refuses to campaign for the departure of PASOK


Officially only two leaders of the Left (Alavanos-Euros and Theodorakis-Spitha) have gone to Keratea, the KKE has abstained despite its paper support of their struggle in their paper Rizospastis (Radical) and a large mobilisation of the supporters of the left, hasn’t been called for. Instead evening style protests where you only hear speeches are made in different Athens squares by different union federations on different days and different times.


Official website of the citizens of Keratea

http://lavreotiki.com/

Videos of the battles and the dug up roads

http://www.zougla.gr/page.ashx?pid=2&aid=293224&cid=4

Saturday, 16 April 2011

Suspension of Greek Constitution= Personalities in the service of the IMF?

Is a government of personalities including Theodorakis being brewed?
During every serious Greek crisis, the man of the system Theodorakis
once more comes round to 'save it'...

PASOK may be preparing itself to go into oblivion as Papandreou has repeatedly stated that he would always suffer a political cost by going into oblivion in trying
to maintain the banksters massive Greek bondholdings.

A movement was created like the first days of PASOK against the IMF,
which then had to be sold out for the demands of the IMF to create confusion amongst the masses, by suspending the constitution and not resigning or going for a new round of elections. The issue now is if the people organised around the Spitha movement, agree to be part of the IMF or go against it.


Ten ministries on paper have been handed out to many in the close
circle of Theodorakis and the son of a Greek general who was in charge
during the civil war era, Markezini has been touted as the new
imported PM from London....

The IMF quislings are trying to buy time to avoid the coming insurrection. They will try to ban strikes and go ahead with the E50billion mass privatisation programme. But time this time round is in short supply.

Wednesday, 2 March 2011

The Arab Revolution- Michel Pablo

Michel Pablo
The Arab Revolution

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Preface
The current Arab revolution forms part of the colonial revolution that has been irresistibly developing since the last world war. This revolution, furthermore, is only one aspect of the accelerating and irremediable break-up of the capitalist regime, and consequently forms part of the proletarian revolution by which the end of the capitalist regime will be completed and the new socialist social order will begin.

The text contained in this pamphlet had as its purpose the opening of a discussion in the organized movement of the Fourth International on some fundamental aspects and problems of the Arab revolution as seen in its proletarian and socialist dynamic, i.e., independently of its present bourgeois-democratic stage, from the viewpoint both of immediate tasks to be accomplished and of its present leadership.

From this point of view, this text was conceived for a discussion among revolutionary Marxists familiar with the terms employed and the ideas developed therein. In order to render it clearer and more up-to-date, we think it useful in this preface to emphasize the following points:


The Idea of the Arab Nation
The notion of the Arab nation is based above all upon the criteria of language and historical formation, more than on geographic or economic unity. Given the diversity of the geographic limits and the historical peculiarities of the Arab world, the aspiration for Arab unity within the frame of a centralist state or of a federation is above all peculiar to the Arab revolutionary masses.

The Arab ruling classes are too heterogeneous, too bound up with local and regional interests, too marked by their particularist formation and their different links with imperialism, to blend without resistance, spontaneously and under their own impulse, into an organized Arab unity. Their present cleavages and oppositions are eloquently significant of the organic inability of the Arab ruling classes to attain Arab organic unity under their leadership.

From this point of view, the unity of the Arab nation will prove to be historically the exclusive result of the victory of the Arab revolution under proletarian leadership in its socialist stage. In the meantime, the particularist resistance of the Arab ruling classes, profiting by the regional attachments of the masses, will have to be faced.

These considerations do not at all have as their purpose any attenuation whatever of the historical reality of an Arab nation currently seeking its organic unity. They aim rather at emphasizing the fact that Arab national consciousness, as well as the aspiration for Arab unity, are characteristic above all of the Arab masses struggling against imperialism and its native allies, and that only these masses will be able to bring about the unity of the Arab nation.


The Problem of the Land and Agrarian Reform
Underdeveloped countries, the Arab lands are characterized by the predominance of an agricultural economy and a peasantry that is far the most numerous class in the population.

As a result of the facts that the decisive part of the cultivated land is in the hands either of feudalists (the Middle East) or of European settlers (the Maghreb), and that native small properties, whether individual or communal, are endangered by the competition of big properties exploited in a capitalist way and by lack of technical and financial aid from the state, the agrarian question in all these countries takes on capital importance.

For a radical solution it would be necessary not only that the lands (generally the best ones) of the feudalists and settlers be recuperated, hut that the state should also take dispositions to help the peasants – as individuals or as organized in collectives – to keep up their lands, improve their output, and recuperate new lands by various public works. That is to say, there would be needed, in addition to a revolutionary agrarian reform, a revolutionary state, which could not be other than the workers’ and peasants’ state.

In the absence of such a social solution, bourgeois agrarian reforms could not have any result other than, in the best of cases, to replace the class of native feudalists or the settlers by a layer of rich peasants who would easily dominate those peasants devoid of sufficient land and of adequate technical and financial means to keep it up in a competitive market economy.

This last-mentioned form of agricultural economy, which is currently prevalent everywhere in the Arab countries, has as a further result an irrational utilization of land – a situation which, under the very unfavorable climatic conditions of the Arab countries, soon ends up in the sterilization of production over vast areas of land.

The social consequence thereof is the speeded-up impoverishment of great masses of the peasantry, aggravated by the continued population increase.

To maintain the existent land in a productive state, and to include therein other arable areas, requires a state able to provide such an effort for the benefit of the peasant masses.

We thus fall back once more on the imperious need for a truly popular state, that of the power of the workers and peasants.

Concerning the forms that the agrarian revolution may take on, our text emphasizes the profit that it would have to derive from the continuance of pre-capitalist communal customs in matters of land ownership in the Arab countries, which might in certain cases facilitate the adoption, right from the beginning, of measures of collectivization rather than individual parcelling out. But this does not at all obviate the capital importance of giving the land or a life-interest in it to those who really work it and to win their democratic consent to any measure planned in this field.


Industrialization
In order to back up the agricultural effort and to solve the question of the unemployment of the great masses of the Arab countries, the industrial development of these underdeveloped countries must naturally be speeded up. The question of industrialization is also conditioned by the nature of the social regime. Without statification of the surplus value which the imperialist and capitalist firms, oil companies and others, are extorting from the Arab masses, as well as the land rent of the feudalists and the big settler owners, the question of the large-scale industrialization of the Arab countries will naturally remain insoluble. And yet these countries possess immense power resources (petroleum, sunlight) which, together with the financial resources and the abundant labor power formed by the majority of their currently non-productive populations, could rapidly solve the question of their industrialization on a vast scale.


The Question of the National Bourgeoisie
The classic bourgeoisie of the Arab countries is of trading origin and formation. It has historically developed a special trait – very important for its attitude toward the agrarian question and its faculties for an effective struggle against imperialism and especially against the feudalists – its role as a usurer toward the peasants.

It is wrong to believe that the peasantry is the victim solely of the feudalists. The trading bourgeois of the towns exploit the Arab peasantry, composed of share-croppers and poor peasants, in a way which, although more subtle, remains no less rapacious – whence the fundamental opposition of these parasitical layers of the bourgeoisie to a genuine agrarian reform.

The revolutionary proletariat in the Arab countries will not be able to carry out properly its struggle for the completion of the revolution unless it takes into account this reactionary nature of the commercial bourgeoisie.

It is true, however, that, side-by-side with this classic bourgeoisie, there are developing at varying degrees some still limited strata of an industrial bourgeoisie, which is trying to shake off the tutelage, stifling for its own development, of imperialism and the feudalists.

With these strata, temporary alliances for precise goals, which do not alienate the autonomous objectives and policy of the class party of the proletariat and the poor peasants, are possible and indeed necessary. But this party must at no moment forget that the goal of the industrial bourgeoisie is not the extermination of imperialism but a coexploitation of the native masses, a coexploitation pushed in the best of cases to an overturn of the present relationship between foreign capital and native capital, in favor of the latter. Next, that the struggle of this bourgeoisie against the feudalists also cannot go beyond certain limits, for the feudalists keep up various economic relationships with this bourgeoisie, which furthermore, by its nature (because of its weakness), does not at all want to support a decisive fight against imperialism and against the feudalists, by basing itself(necessarily in this case) on the revolutionary masses.

The crime of the past and present policy of the Communist Parties consists, not in their seeking under certain circumstances an alliance with the colonial bourgeoisie, but in their idealizing it – which prevents defining the limits of its progressive action and hinders the autonomous class organization and policy of the proletariat.

The examples of Nasser’s Egypt and Kassem’s Iraq are in this connection highly instructive.

In both cases we are dealing with a revolution that is bourgeois-democratic from the viewpoint of the immediate tasks to be accomplished, led by political staffs of national officers who ideologically represent what car, be called the Arab national bourgeoisie, i.e., the bourgeois strata which to a certain extent are opposed to imperialism and the feudalists.

These strata are generally those of the industrial bourgeoisie in the making. Both Nasser’s and Kassem’s regimes are, from the political viewpoint, Bonapartist regimes, of an unstable balance between the classes, while destined to cast their weight finally in favor of a single class.

In the case of Nasser, it is now clear that his Bonapartism is operating decisively in favor of the Egyptian industrial bourgeoisie. Furthermore, to the degree that the class struggle develops in Egypt and in the Arab world generally, and that the Nasser regime proves unable to solve the bourgeois-democratic tasks of the Arab revolution – viz. real independence from imperialism (with a real liquidation of all its economic after-effects), unification of the Arab nation, agrarian revolution, emancipation of women – the Nasser regime is turning against the masses and again drawing close to imperialism.

The true face of the Arab “national” bourgeoisie was unmasked on the occasion of the Iraqi revolution.

This revolution forms, at the present stage, the most advanced point of the Arab anti-imperialist and social revolution. Despite the fact that its official leadership is still assumed by a staff of “national” officers who would like to keep it within “Nasserist” (i.e., bourgeois-democratic) limits, the drive of the masses is infinitely more powerful than in the case of Egypt. This causes the Bonapartist character of Kassem’s regime to be far more strongly marked than Nasser’s, for Kassem does not have at his disposal a broad social base of his own.

In Iraq, because of the weakness of the industrial bourgeoisie, the hostility of the feudalists, and the successive purges of pro-Nasser elements in the army, Kassem has been seen to yield gradually to the pressure of the revolutionary masses, who form his real support against imperialism, Nasser, and domestic reaction. To the degree that the Iraqi revolution deepened, with creation by the masses of their own organs of dual power, including militias, and the increased politicisation of the expanding trade-union organizations, the social aspect of the revolution predominated over its initial national and anti-imperialist aspect.

These developments were far from pleasing to Nasser, hence his violent attacks against the Iraqi revolution and his spectacular anti-Communist and even anti-Soviet shift. This attitude, far from being accidental or personal, is in reality characteristic of the colonial bourgeoisie faced by the internal class struggle and the social problems of the revolution.

Khrushchev himself, disappointed and exasperated by Nasser’s anti-Communist and anti-Soviet attacks, was forced to stammer out a few elementary notions of revolutionary Marxist policy in the matter of the national bourgeoisie, but without drawing therefrom lasting conclusions defining a coherent line. Criticizing ‘nationalism”, i.e., the alliance, in colonial and dependent countries, of all classes, under the political leadership of the bourgeoisie, Khrushchev differentiates the struggle’s “anti-colonialist” phase, properly so called, from the social phase during which “the interests of different classes can possibly not coincide.” [1] “The attempts, by covering oneself with the banner of nationalism, to disregard the interests of the various layers of the population, and those of the workers, are inconsistent.” [1]

In reality the life-and-death struggle with the national bourgeoisie is inevitable in all cases where the revolution must be led from its anti-imperialist bourgeois-national phase up to its socialist proletarian social conclusion. The question is one, not of persons, but of classes.

From this point of view, it is not enough to criticize Nasser at a given moment, only to paint him in rosy colors at another moment, or to embrace Kassem, but to define a clear class line toward the colonial bourgeoisie which the Bonapartist regimes of both represent.

The now evident “betrayal” of Nasser was inevitable, inherent in the class nature of the colonial bourgeoisie confronted by the social deepening of the revolution. The “betrayal” of Kassem, to whom the favors of the Kremlin are now being given, is no less inevitable, in case the Iraqi Communist Party should prove unable to complete the revolution under its own leadership, backed by the country’s masses democratically organized in their committees, militias, and trade unions.

Kassem is only the super-Kerensky of the Iraqi revolution, i.e., the representative of a Bonapartist regime of an extreme fragility, which is trying to maintain a precarious balance between the revolutionary drive of the masses and the conservative and reactionary forces, still unable for the moment to go over to a counter-revolutionary offensive.

Under the rising pressure of the masses, Kassem is obliged to make progressive concessions, while resisting the social completion of the revolution and trying to stay within bourgeois limits. All the real gains of the masses – militias, trade-union organization, promises of a new emancipating status for women, etc. – are in reality the results of their struggles driving through Kassem’s resistance. His opposition to the legalization of the Communist Party and to the free political activity of the masses is in this connection significant of his limitations and class resistances.

At a later stage, in case of a retreat of the masses because of fatigue or disorientation the Kassem regime would try to annul some of these gains and to stabilize the bourgeois regime. [2]

The greatest danger now lying in wait for the Iraqi revolution is the Stalinist policy of the Iraqi CP. This party, the strongest of all the Arab Communist Patties, is at present torn between the tendency that is subject to the revolutionary pressure of its rank and file and of the masses, and the executive tendency that is docile to the Kremlin’s directives.

The former is instinctively seeking a class line, distrusting Kassem (and with good reason), and trying to base itself above all on the autonomous organization and action of the revolutionary masses. It is embodied, at the leadership level, by the party’s native cadres, who were formed in “the dungeons and the camps” of the old regime and remained steadily in contact with the masses. [3] But the dominant tendency in the leadership is represented by the hardened Stalinists formed in exile, in the USSR and the Popular Democracies, who subordinate the party 5 autonomous class policy to the changing interests of Soviet diplomacy. It is this tendency that gives Kassem unconditional support, that paints his regime in bright colors, and that calls for the disastrous Menshevik policy of the revolution by stages, Iraq allegedly needing to pass through a whole period of bourgeois-democratic development before there ripen the economic and social conditions that permit visualising the possibility of the socialist revolution under the leadership of the proletariat.

In case this tendency proves more powerful than the revolutionary pressure of the masses, the Iraqi revolution will inevitably experience defeat, either in the form of an overthrow of the present regime by the concerted and unexpected action of foreign and domestic forces, pro-Nasser for example, or else by the stabilization of the Kassem regime on a bourgeois basis.

The hope of a progressive development of the revolution lies only in the masses’ revolutionary dynamism, which might under certain conditions push the Iraqi CP beyond the limited goals of Soviet diplomacy, and make it outline a revolutionary orientation toward power.

The Kremlin is interested in the Iraqi revolution only in connection with its foreign policy, where it is a matter of utilizing the Iraqi trump card to bring pressure on Nasser and the imperialists. By this pressure Nasser might be prevented from being integrated in the imperialist orbit, while imperialisms such as England, which have great interests in Iraq and in the Middle East, might show more understanding toward for example the European goals of Kremlin diplomacy.

In general, the Kremlin is at present seeking, not to develop the social dynamics of the Arab revolution and to help it to victory under proletarian leadership, but simply to win the favors of the colonial bourgeoisie and to draw it away from coalition with imperialism.

In this way, as against ephemeral successes on the diplomatic level, as the experiment with Nasser once more clearly demonstrates, the Kremlin sacrifices the fundamental interests of the colonial revolution, which would be able to triumph only under proletarian leadership, in an inevitable and necessary struggle against the national bourgeoisie.

The criminal embellishment of the national bourgeoisie by the Kremlin and the Communist Parties at its disposal, whether it is question on any occasion of Nasser or Kassem, of Sukarno or Nehru, of Fidel Castro [4], et al., is at present the most powerful brake on the progressive development of the colonial revolution.

Once more, we repeat, it is not a question, in colonial and dependent countries, of avoiding alliances with the national bourgeoisie to the extent that it engages in an effective struggle against imperialism and the feudalists. It is a matter of considering these alliances to be temporary, to make them about precise goals of common action, to maintain the complete organizational and political independence of the party of the proletariat, to avoid painting this bourgeoisie in glowing colors, to prepare the masses ideologically for the bourgeoisie’s inevitable turn against themselves as soon as they begin the struggle in the field of the social deepening of the revolution, its completion on the bourgeois-democratic level and its socialist development.


Social Revolution and Unity of the Arab Nation
The social development of the Iraqi revolution soon raised a new question: what attitude to take toward Arab unity under present conditions.

Where it is a question of Arab states of the same social regime, the imperative need of Arab unification in a centralized state or a federation must have priority over the political nature of the regime under which the process of unification is carried out. But where it is a question of Arab states of social regimes that are different or are becoming so, the imperative need of unification must be subordinated to the necessity of defending the social conquests of the revolution, its proletarian and socialist future.

To take a concrete example: in the case of relations between Iraq and the UAR, it is certainly necessary to take into account the fact that the Iraqi revolution currently constitutes the socially most advanced outpost of the Arab revolution, and that consequently its gains cannot be simply annulled by just simply putting it under the whip of Nasser’s reactionary dictatorial regime – and this allegedly in the name of the highest interests of Arab unification.

But the Iraqi Communist Party, now the fierce defender of the country’s independence, should have justified the temporary subordination of unification to the imperative needs of the development of the social revolution in Iraq on the basis of quite other arguments than those it is at present using [5].

The Iraqi CP’s only justification for temporarily suspending unification with the UAR could in reality be only its determination to carry out the proletarian revolution in Iraq and to avoid compromising this process by subjecting it to Nasser’s reactionary regime, which Nasser, in case of unification, would spread throughout Iraq as well.

But instead of such an attitude, the Iraqi CP, nowise facing toward the perspective of the proletarian revolution, puts forward fallacious pretexts that compromise its cause and the communist cause among the Arab masses who ardently long for Arab unification: the so-called need of better guaranteeing the country’s economic (in reality, capitalist) development within the limits of Iraqi national independence, and the anti-democratic nature of Nasser’s regime.

We repeat: this last argument could be valid only if the Iraqi CP were setting up, as opposed to the unification demanded by Nasser, the need to complete the victory of the social – i.e., proletarian – revolution in Iraq. Otherwise, it is Nasser who is right in implicitly considering that, both social regimes being equal, it is unification that must take priority over the more or less democratic nature of the political regime.


The Algerian Revolution
If the Iraqi revolution constitutes at present the most advanced stage, socially and from the viewpoint of proletarian perspectives, of the Arab revolution, the Algerian revolution, at the other end of the Arab world, represents a no less important peculiarity of that revolution. In Iraq, the tone was set by the strength of the revolutionary movement of the masses and the presence of a Communist Party that has a real base and plays an important role in the revolutionary process. In Algeria, the lack of an important proletarian and communist movement is combined with an equally extreme weakness of the bourgeoisie and the resultant importance of the plebeian masses: poor peasants, agricultural and industrial workers, impoverished petty-bourgeoisie.

It is the cadres arisen from these masses and basing themselves upon them who are leading the present revolution under the banner of the FLN.

Despite the still essentially national-democratic slogans inscribed on that banner, the revolutionary strength of the plebeian mass movement in Algeria proves to be enormous and impressive. The Algerian people’s armed struggle has now been invincibly maintained for almost five years against the bulk of the military forces of one of the main imperialist powers of our century, which is trying with an unheard-of savagery to keep under its yoke Algeria, the key-country of its African colonial empire.

Never has the disproportion between the means utilised by imperialism and a small colonial country been so overwhelming; never has so broad-scale an attempt been made to exterminate physically the great masses of an oppressed people, in order to break its indomitable will to struggle. The atrocious colonial war of Algeria, which has unfortunately been going on up till now amid a shameless passivity on the part of the proletarian masses of France and of the so-called civilized capitalist countries, will be written down in history as the most sanguinary and infamous colonialist enterprise of imperialism before it finally leaves the stage.

Just the fact that under such unfavorable conditions the Algerian revolution, practically alone, continues the combat, growing more solid and profound, should be sufficient to justify not only the immense respect that the proletariat of Europe ought to feel toward its heroic Algerian brothers, spurring it to support them in their well-justified combat against imperialism, but also respect for the organization that began the revolution and was formed in the struggle itself, the FLN.

This organization, really a united front of diverse tendencies of Algerian opinion in the anti-imperialist struggle, is certainly not a homogeneous revolutionary party, and cannot within its present structure evolve toward such a party. But what is sure is that it includes all the valid revolutionary forces of the Algerian people, from which tomorrow there will emerge the cadres of the revolutionary Marxist tendency who will know how to lead the Algerian revolution to its complete victory.

The weaknesses which characterize and the dangers which lie in wait for the present leadership of the Algerian revolution should be neither covered up nor minimised. The lack of a precise doctrine, of a clear and precise programme, can lead the best-intentioned cadres of the revolution to become objectively servitors of a bourgeois, pro-imperialist, and anti-democratic cause, following the example of the Bourguibist leadership of the Tunisian revolution, or of the King of Morocco, of the Moroccan revolution.

The lack of a clear and radical social and political doctrine corresponding to the true interests of the peasants and workers who embody the Algerian nation in its struggle, means practising a policy that is in the final analysis bourgeois, with a future that will inevitably be “Bourguibist.”

The FLN would be unable to avoid such an evolution unless, starting right now, a coherent tendency within it should fight perseveringly to endow it with a precise and radical social and political programme and with a more definite and strict organizational structure that links it ideologically and organizationally to its militant base, especially the fighters and the Algerian masses of the interior, and their effective and permanent control.

It is of course not a question of fostering illusions about transforming the FLN in its present structure and entirety into a proletarian and socialist party. But what can and must be contemplated is transforming it into a transitional political formation by means of working up a definite programme and a structure that links it to its base and ensures that base’s control over it.

The programme must include a radical agrarian reform, the statification of the principal enterprises and means of production, the emancipation of women, the federation of the Maghreb and its confederation under certain conditions with the rest of the Arab nation of the Middle East, of Egypt, the Sudan, and Libya, the democratic structure of popular power (constituent assembly; people’s committees, which are already administering those parts of the country that are liberated or under de facto control).

Such control must include the transfer to Algeria itself of the principal organs of the revolutionary government and their attachment to the ranks of the fighters and the masses of the interior, while maintaining and developing delegations and various services abroad.

Only such political and organizational measures can effectively counteract the bureaucratic corruption of the leadership, fight against the trend to “Bourguibist” – i.e., pro-bourgeois and pro-imperialist – formations in the leadership, increase the flexibility of the organization of the revolution, deepen its close liaison with the masses, and inspire them with a new energy.

What is more, to the degree that the Algerian revolution makes clear its social and democratic aspect, it cannot fail to meet with an increasingly sympathetic echo among the popular masses of the other Arab countries, and even of European countries, including France, and its soldiers, workers and peasants in uniform.

The reactionary and barbarous enterprise of imperialism would appear in the eyes of the masses to be even more infamous as it struggles against the steadily deeper revolution of the Algerian people.

Even the conduct of the war, from the strictly military viewpoint, would prove to be modified by such measures, for the main strength of the Algerian combatants at the present stage lies in their mobility and their close fusion with the population. But whoever says mobility and close fusion with the masses is really saying social and political deepening of the revolution, rendering individual combatants conscious of their mission, and the masses conscious of the goals of the struggle and more and more involved in its victorious completion.

The possible generalization of the revolutionary war throughout the whole Maghreb would, furthermore, be enormously facilitated by such an orientation.

Naturally it is question here only of suggestions for a programme, a tactic, an organization, whose more precise details must be worked out by the revolutionary Marxist tendency of the great Algerian revolution.

The Fourth International considers it its duty at present to help unconditionally and unreservedly this revolution as well as the colonial revolution in general.

Conscious of the terrible lag of the workers’ movement of the advanced capitalist countries in comparison to the colonial revolution, it realizes that, in order to bring together and weld the joint between the two branches of the world revolution, political propaganda is not enough. There are needed acts of real practical solidarity with the colonial masses in struggle, now in the vanguard of the revolutionary assault against imperialism and capitalism.

MICHEL PABLO
June 1959



Notes
1. Khrushchev statements on 17 March 1959.

2. After this preface was written and was being set in type, Kassem started a trial of strength with the Iraqi CP and the revolutionary masses.

He is now trying to suppress the militias once more, and is proceeding to purges and even arrests of revolutionary elements. Kassem in his turn is taking Nasser’s anti-Communist road.

“Paradoxically, General Kassem’s strongest asset in the present struggle for power,” writes the British ex-cabinet minister Anthony Nutting in the 28 June New York Herald Tribune “is that the Communists have built him up to a position from which they cannot now tear him down.” (My italics.)

3. For this tendency, “what matters is the radical and immediate transformation of the social and economic structure” of Iraq. “It is the one that demands the nationalization of enterprises, the sharing out of land, the hanging of traitors, the purge of the army and the administration. It is this tendency that worries General Kassem. And it is likely that it is against it that the government is – in the shadows – furbishing its arms.” (Study by E Sablier in Le Monde of 28 May 1959.)

4. Fidel Castro is at present the latest “hero” discovered by the Communist Parties of Latin America, to whose regime they attribute the revolutionary gains of the Cuban masses. Fidel Castro, however, is only the Bonapartist representative of the bourgeoisie, who is undergoing the pressure of the masses and is forced to make them important concessions, against which his bourgeois teammates are already rising up, as has just been clearly shown by the opposition set going inside his own government against the – timid enough – agrarian reform.

5. As well as, for that matter, the other Arab Communist Parties, beginning with that of Syria, led by Bagdasche.

Saturday, 22 January 2011

The Spark-Mikis Theodorakis Speech Athens Jan 2011



Held in the Rex Auditorium in Athens which was filled to bursting point of 5,000 people Mikis Theodorakis launches the Citizens Movements called Spark against the IMF occupation of Greece

http://www.mikis-theodorakis-kinisi-anexartiton-politon.gr/el/news/?nid=333










Theodorakis Speech
Part One

From the era of the revolution in 1921, the problem of foreign occupation became an undisputed organic part of our national life. It entered the life of the young Greek nation, changing all of its forms and functions and teaching it how to adapt seriously and timely to all the historic and social changes which it provoked.

It started with the three Great Powers (England, France and Russia) who formed the first Greek political parties with their own names, the Russian, the French to the English and this brought us Kapodistria and after him Othonas and then the Glyxbourgs. In the era of the Balkan Wars, they divided our people into Anglophile Venizelites and Germanphile Konstantinous and because it happened that England won, our country became larger at the expense of Turkey. When later on they changed their minds, they aided Turkey and ensured Greece became smaller. They brought back George 2nd – a servant of the English – twice: first in 1935 which, with Metaxas, they imposed a dictatorship. The second time was in 1946 so as to lead the front of nationhood, in other words, the anti-communists, the quisling collaborators of fascism, so as to dissolve EAM which then had 70% of the Greek people on its side, leading us to a Civil War so as to impose US domination.

On the basis of the control of civil society, politics and military power (Army and Police) foreign domination created within Greece a strong economic, political and cultural social oligarchy which was more loyal to foreigners than foreigners themselves. In other words the fanaticism of the Anglophile, Germanphile and Americanphile members of the Greek oligarchy was greater than the love of the English, Germans, and Americans for their own countries!

To the extent they don’t need the immediate presence of foreign powers (in the military, administrative areas etc.), so as to serve fully and totally every part of their interests, amongst which, in the main part, is the imposition of their culture, thought, language, art, morals and every type of their peculiar interests.

Therefore we should consider the totality of the factors that control power in our country: economic oligarchs, formers of public opinion (journalists, owners of TV stations, radio broadcasters and newspaper men), well known members of high intellectual society (in particular, educators) with the variety of faces who form and are paid handsomely to spread and popularise the ideas and decisions made in the interests of the foreign overlords. In other words, all this flotsam creates a black cloud, which covers the country and hides us from the sun so making us live in the dark and transforming us into self-conflicting flocks of sheep of different colours which follow the System’s shepherds. This poisonous cloud is nothing more than the loyal guardians of foreign dependence (today of the Americans) which imposes, directs and intervenes without rest in all of our internal developments. That is dependence! Therefore, the main aim of our Resistance must be to liberate our country from this.

Here I place a dividing line between us- the Patriots for Independence and the whole of the existing superstructure by which I mean the economic Oligarchy (Banks, Economic Chieftains) and the political system, that is, the Constitution, Parliament and the Political World. I therefore raise objections to all the existing choices which led to the present course being followed by our country and so to the whole of the practice which is being implemented by all in the sectors of our internal life: Economy, Education, Social Relationships. From this point of view our policy must have the character of being radical. It is Radical!

It has to be emphasised that any radical-revolutionary movement we create must have the great majority of people on its side if it is to become a force for historical change.

In light of what I said previously it would also be an error to make DEMANDS on some quarters which are totally conscious organs of dependence from one or more international centres of power, American but also certain European countries. The Troika represents cohabitation of the American (IMF) and two European banks. These agents are not part of any solution, but rather the problem. So it must be our task to IMPOSE our will on them.

With this choice of the verb ‘impose’, we can see the size of the political task we have to undertake in order to bring into being a Movement which one day can become a Movement able to raise the demands of the majority of the Greek people. This struggle becomes harder due to the methodology we choose; not creating from above, but from below, from the people. In this our only weapon is enlightenment with a common view as to how we judge events and the reasons which influence them, the position of the country, the positive and negative elements and more generally, what are our final goals and with which means we seek to achieve those goals.



We can’t just rely on the word ‘Resistance’ to express our politics; we need to add another word: ‘Proposal’. That is, a proposal combining all the elements which constitute the life of the people. This Proposal-Programme should constitute the thought of every Spark-Committee so that their ideas and ideology can become a part of forming the basis of the new Movement with the goal that one day it becomes the dominant ideology of the great majority of the Greek people.

We attack, destroy and in parallel, think-build. That’s how I see how an ideal Committee of Advancement should function.



Let us imagine a Greece which is Free, Independent, Fearless, Untouchable and Self-Governing. Let us fight for this inside a society without unemployment, injustice, poverty, ignorance and with a rule of Justice to solve the problem of Inequality. But let us also impose by law the right of equality of Rights, and Needs with a Standard of Living and Education below which no citizen should be allowed to fall. Applying justice to inequality, whilst rewarding effort, is the only way a society goes forward. Equalizing towards the bottom is unjust and becomes a barrier to progress.

The great misfortune of our country since 1950 arises from the fact that we have been unable to win National Independence. Economically, politically and militarily we are obliged to follow, by one or another path, the interests of the superpowers and their allies and thus have been prevented from developing a clear independent policy – truly Greek – which will serve the interests of the Greek people. That is why our first aim must be liberation from foreign dependence and the development of internal organs to secure National Independence. It is that which constitutes a pre-condition for a Free People with every citizen able to be considered a Man, Independent, responsible for their life and their fate.

In our country since 1821 until today we passed the stage from Subjugation to Dependence which continues to today with very few breaks. As for example from the era of foreign occupation, then when we realised Independence only those who dared to fight the enemy gun in hand. From that moment on we can say that they became independent only they who refused State Power, were imprisoned, tortured, executed. A strange truth for this country in that in order to be free one must sacrifice their life...



Part 2
We declare that Dependence means essentially foreign occupation. Therefore the struggle of the Independent Greek Citizens requires a liberation movement. It is our duty to enlighten the Greek people about the character of the ways by which they are obliged to save themselves, their families and their country.


Dear friends,

The new conditions and international relations have transformed the USA into a modern imperialist power based on two poles: the colossal military power and the control of the world economy under its gigantic economic monopolies. Their aim is to ensure their domination over a united globalised market. That means that every barrier, every national peculiarity, which does not allow the free movement of everything needed for their economic and ideological domination is broken down. Even their present allies like England, Germany, France and Japan will have the same fate as all the rest. China, Russia and India, which now constitute the great barrier to total domination, will eventually be targeted in the same way so as to permit the construction of this world society under USA hegemony. In other words, what is being repeated under other forms and other methods, is the Hitlerian vision of the German Reich of a Thousand Years which it sought through the occupation of the Five Continents.



Whoever hasn’t understood this mortal danger is either blind, stupid, irresponsible or, even worse, collaborators of the USA’s mission to achieve this disastrous goal. And that makes them even more dangerous than their American masters.
Of all the obstacles the new occupiers face, the national, ideological, historic and cultural peculiarities mentioned above are the most difficult for them. And that is why in recent decades, the USA, aided by their Trojan horses within each country have directed their poisonous arrows against these obstacles.

The main concern of every nation is to organize its defense in all areas of its public life, starting with the defense of national identity and all the elements constituting it, national sovereignty with the organization of national defense on new foundations, self-governance with the mobilisation of all subjective forces and the defence of the wealth of the country, the increase in the educational level, the alliance and unity of the peoples with the organisation of our own just society which advances our educational level, in the alliance and unity of the peoples with the organisation of a just society which will provide equal opportunities, chances and services so as to have the spirit of solidarity dominant so we can all confront the coming catastrophe, to surpass it so as to be in a position to create a country which is even better, even under conditions of a storm which we are living through today and which tomorrow will get even worse.

We are now living through one of the worst moments in our history. We are in trouble. We have so much trouble that it will require great effort and sacrifice to break the current foreign dependency. There must be a huge effort to convince ourselves and others that the path of salvation lies solely in the turn to our own forces, where we will try to find and exploit all collective capabilities to allow us to become self-reliant, self-sufficient and so Independent.



What are we going to base ourselves on? On our brains and our will, our desires, our self-sacrifice which will aid us in gaining the strength for what we need to live from our own land and our own work. That is the only way we will become free and at the same time proud, as we will base our life solely on ourselves without the need of foreigners.

For this reason let me elaborate a little on the view which I have for the functioning of the Committees of Initiative. Suddenly we have from nowhere tens of Committees called ‘Spark’. I like this name and I propose we keep it.

Everyone realises more than anybody else the problems which he faces as a person or citizen, as resident of his area, and also as a Greek. Today we are all able to know about the basic national issues and problems, as well as the problems related to other peoples, international relations of one or other dominant power. We don’t need others, Saviours, to tell us what we need to do. As long as we think and act collectively as members of a Committee of Initiative which will unite under a common dream all citizens of an area as workers, in whatever field and above all as equal and responsible citizens of our country. And the country we live in is called Greece.


So it is time to think, to care and to act as Greeks. As people who walk on the same soil, travel on the same seas, speak the same language, the same customs, the same traditions and values, weaknesses, the same history, the same myths and the same love for our cultural traditions.

Our recent history is a history full of struggle, sacrifices, blood and tears. We all love equally fanatically our National Independence, Freedom, Democracy and Social Justice. We want our people sovereign and we dream of a rebirth from the ashes of our beloved Country: a rebirth on the economic, social, educational and cultural level. A National Rebirth!

NO, we won’t allow the nation abusers to devalue and abuse the words ‘Greece’ ‘Nation’ ‘Country’, with the result that only they are considered progressive who despise them. Let us not forget that during all the great moments of modern Greece, from the Balkan Wars, the Albanian Epic, the Battle of Crete, the National Resistance and the struggle against the Dictatorship, all had symbols of Greece and Freedom, of Country and Independence, of the Nation and its Rebirth. Let the nation once more become our basic goal. That means that inside every cell of the Committees of Initiative where all the ideas, proposals and activities are discussed and arrived at, the central goal must be of trying to help all of us, so that one day not far off, our Homeland will be Free, Independent. Self-governing and proud in achieving the position which belongs to it in the current difficult era, maintaining to the limit all its historical characteristics, in other words in its dedication to world Peace, in the freedom and development of all the peoples of the earth who demand from us Resistance to the powers of Evil and liberation from every form of foreign domination which aims to intervene in our internal affairs – like the current Troika – crushing the rights, happiness and proudness of our People.


I believe the basis of progress in our Society must be guarded by the winning of Direct Democracy. Then every citizen can essentially be responsible for their fate and the fate of the Peoples. I always believed that the free person is responsible. He decides with others the solution to all the problems which bother the society in which he lives and works. When others decide for you, then essentially you aren’t free. You are dependent to a point with which morally and practically, you have been relegated to the level of a flock who is required to follow the shepherd from the grass fields to the slaughterhouse, without the possibility of resisting, as they have essentially reduced you to being a being without thought and will.

There is now an opportunity, with the local and international rulers immersed in a crisis which seems to be deepening every day, for the Independents, to succeed beyond our daily activity to have an impact on the major problems of our country.

We are independent citizens. That means that we maintain our own ideological choices as responsible citizens in this peculiar, dangerous and critical period in our country, confronting the powers of foreign dependence from the known international centres of power along with those that accept their policies, support them and benefit from them. These Centres aim to impose recipes of shock therapy on us, to attack us and do damage to us from every angle: economic, social, moral, patriotic. For this higher aim and despite our differences, so that we can work together in a united Liberation Movement with the aim of stopping by every means the evil which is occurring daily against our people, we must try to show the will of the overwhelming majority, as a dominant element in the recreation of the country. Every day when we will grow in size and strength, we will move from being a force of defence to a force of attack and at the same time a creative force and so will be able to block the attacks of foreigners and their Greek allies and to develop plans for the future which are realistic and whole, with solutions which will change today’s miserly form of our Country. With the current presence in our lines and alliance of so many different and important citizens from areas key of our social life, not seeking positions of power, nor to speak ex-cathedra nor wanting to impose a or b programme, but to to analyse and find solutions arising from the richness of thought of the average Greek as a main element for the creation of changes for our Country at all levels.

And most importantly, based solely on the independent will, thoughts, suggestions and decisions of the Independent Citizens for an Independent Greece which belongs only to Greeks and Greece.

Part 5
On December 1, I attended a public lecture of 1000 people. The content of the lecture was re-published in the daily press. I asked the government, as was my right and obligation, a series of questions containing certain allegations concerning important national issues. Of course I am not an MP and hold no public office. I am an ordinary citizen, except that I carry on my back historical experience of half a century and a proven commitment in defending the people and our country at very critical moments. That is why I believe that in any country with an elementary democratic responsibility it would have been impossible to receive such dismissive attitude for my views as I received. That reveals the irresponsible character of the government factions who took the view that I am a 2nd class citizen not permitted to have any public criticism of their policy. But the questions and condemnations remain. If they think that with the method of silence this will be forgotten they are making a big mistake.

In relation to the "Memorandum" (Memorandum of Understanding with IMF) i.e. the conditions under which we agreed to accept "aid", you certainly know the view expressed by the distinguished Professor of Constitutional Law, Mr. Kassimatis, that "…the conditions associated with this loan agreement are unique in the history of mankind." What followed was the President of the Lawyers Association of Greece Dimitris Paxinos who condemns Article 14, paragraph 5: “…with the Agreement by Greece we renounce irrevocably and unconditionally the right of protection of our national sovereignty. Such an unprecedented condition is not met even in colonial agreements. It is a condition that violates fundamental principles of law on all levels: International Law, European Law and National Law. It is a condition that overrides the fundamental rights of the independence of the country and against the subjugation of the country. The danger is imminent, when combined with the terms of the Contract, that with the consent of all the lenders, they can transfer to a Third Country their rights under the Regulations. Consequently the rules of the Loan are based on ENGLISH LAW. The only appropriate court therefore becomes the court of the European Union, in other words they who have made the loan to us. The loaning regime therefore is ILLEGAL”

And he concludes:
“Without a previous condition, with our signature we gave away our national independence and the whole of our public property. From the foundation of the neo-hellenic state we are used to being in debt. But such conditions have never been accepted.
WE DEMAND THE ERASURE OF THE MEMORANDUM AND THE LOAN CONDITIONS WHICH AFFECT OUR NATIONAL RIGHTS”


And I ask you, gentlemen of the Government party: How is it possible that views of such great national importance, of the largest Bar Association in the country, of Mr Kassimatis, be considered by your party and your friendly media, unworthy even of a simple comment? Don’t you realise that such an irresponsible attitude traumatises deeply the essence of democracy and provokes a brutal public sentiment? Is it that apart from me, we now have an expansion of 2nd class citizens in this country? And how much contempt and disrespect for all those who stood up against the junta, who were tortured, imprisoned, exiled, sacrificing 7 years of their lives for democracy and freedom of the press, to see that there now reigns again military style, Junta, censorship under a supposedly progressive mantle. With which criteria have you and your friends suddenly become 1st class citizens, above all others? Even the greatest electoral victory does not entitle anyone to consider themselves superior to others, since according to the Constitution all citizens are equal and have absolutely the same rights. And I think that the first right is to respect their opinions, whatever they are. If you miss this point, there is no democracy, but totalitarianism. But after the last elections, you are devoid of even the pretext that your government represents a majority of the Greek people, as your vote did not exceed 20%. And therefore a purely totalitarian behaviour based upon a small minority actually ends up ultimately dangerous for the country, because you do not have the moral right to take decisions so critical to the country's future by ignoring the will of the vast majority which, in every way, is trying to show you that the road you follow leads to the dissolution of society and, I fear, to that of our country.

Dear PrimeMinister, you have ignored all your pledges, your pre-electoral ones and your post electoral ones in relation to taxes, wages and sackings. You know that daily tens of industries, small businesses and shops are closing without taking into account what will happen to all these people who are suddenly found on the street. You aren’t interested in the fact that a desertification is expanding in the Greek market which till yesterday was brimming with life. You aren’t interested when our young, particularly scientists are immigrating, unable to live in our country? Has no one in your circle told you that the People are in despair, are frightened, are suffering, whilst the country is daily sinking from every view into a generalised depression, from which no one knows the end?

I am making a proposal that you personally Prime Minister stand, observe and see what is happening around you. We aren’t your enemies or even your opponents. If we disagree we do it purely from a different perspective, and we believe the path you have chosen is wrong. It’s not us but reality that says it. We all want to save this country from the difficult position it finds itself in. We are all willing to help to find the best path which I am sure exists. Let's really look to find a better way. I am sure there is one. Let's stop the stubbornness. We all make mistakes. Don’t force us to show once more the point where a People can go when they are in despair. Let us not forget how many times the Greeks transformed their despair into a force and woe to those who had to confront them. Let us not be deceived by the fact that today we are acting like confused lambs. Just think with how many lies and deceits they have fed the Greeks. But every day which you yourself can help them with their tough decisions to reveal the truth, the lambs will be transformed into responsible and decisive citizens who will take fate in their own hands. This may take a little time. But when the river is formed to claim all that has been stolen from us, then no force will be able to stop it. The enraged river will know only too well in which direction it will go so as to win what belongs to it. Just think how many who wanted to dam it in the last decades and where they are found today. For it is a historical law that the People must win. As long as they seek it. They will seek it. Quickly. More quickly than some are expecting.

I ask you one more time:
What is happening in the Aegean? Is it true or false that NATO has imposed on us that we divide half of it with Turkey? Does an agreement exist to hand over our airspace with the Israeli military for war exercises? What is happening with the Turkish Embassy in Komotini and for what reason do these mobile bridges exist which in a very short time can be united on both sides of the river Evros so tanks can come across? Does there exist an organised nationalist propaganda from Albania and Skopje with the aim being alienation of Greek lands and how do we react to this? Why did the Burgas pipeline stop? Is it true there were favourable economic proposals from Russia and China which the Government turned down? In relation to the IMF, you yourself – as leader of the then Opposition - described in the most graphic terms the destructive idiosyncracies of the IMF in an interview with the journalist Kouloglou. What happened in the meantime to change your view? Why are you silent towards the revelations of serious specialists like the educator Kline, in relation to the implementation on the economy of the barbarous methods of the CIA and the close relations with the IMF with all the dictatorial regimes around the world? Is the event true or not that you led us to the economic dependence of the IMF and our European partners, the infamous Troika to which you handed over our economy and the labour relations of our country without a battle? Why don’t you follow the road of the Hungarians who forced the Banks and all of big business to pay greater sums instead of just taking it from workers?

There is the small recent example of the small state of Equador-Isimerinos which characterised Public Debt as ‘Odious Debt’ and refused to place it on to its creditors. With the result being that it finally paid one third of the final amount to its creditors. Thus showing that the threatening animals (our creditors) confronted by this became lambs as opposed to being confronted by the united will of a leader and a peoples much smaller than ours.


We are also raised the issue of the war reparations from Germany. Wasn’t more important than having verbal conflicts with Ms Merkel to ask her what was logical, in other words, reparations from Germany from the great injustice which occurred against our country, which occurred just against our country, instead of offering her more profits with new purchases of war hardware from them. Finally, how did the President of the Socialist International find it possible to bring in worse measures than the Metaxas dictatorship after the abolition of Collective Labour Agreements which a dictator introduced under pressure from the workers of the 1930’s? How dare you take us back 80 years! Does the Prime Minister and the MP’s who make up your party believe that all these issues we have referred to which deal with the Independence and Security of our country and with the gains and rights of our people, will pass just like that, quickly? Don’t you understand you are taking on heavy burdens with which you will be forced to explain yourselves when confronting the People and History but also Greek Justice? Don’t underestimate us and believe that because today you rule because of a dissolved Constitution which allows a small minority to dominate power on the vast majority of the people that this situation will last.

Already the foundations are being built so as this silent and divided majority of Independent Citizens can express itself as a united and collective force. Then we will see who will laugh last.

I believe that, given the situation that we have reached, there is no other solution but the voice of the People. The hatred felt by the People must be transformed into such a cry that it will reverberate through the rotten edifice of Dependence which is leading us into absolute Chaos. There is no other solution! That is why we are calling you all to enter this struggle from tomorrow, united openly into a tight fist with one and only one thought, the love of our Country. Let us ally with the People, with the thousands of Sparks-Committees of Initiative so as to be able to help our people take the fate of the country into its hands. The “when and how” will be judged by the developments and the People themselves. Our own thought leads directly to the great goals we have raised: National Independence, Popular Rule, Patriotic Rebirth and our passionate belief that Greece belongs only to Greece.


I want to take this opportunity to ask you as well as all of the Greek people their view on basic ideas of mine, one related to the economy of the country and the other to our national security:


We all know the basic argument of the Government to justify the dependence of our country on US and European banks and therefore the necessary for further loans. We also know along which path our Dependence has led us for these loans. We know to what point this tactic of high interest loans has led us. We also recognise at which point it deliberately took us into purchasing weapons from the USA, England, France and Germany. My question is thus: what blocks us from seeking other means? First of all, by paying off the whole Debt; secondly borrowing from other sources at much more favourable conditions - with agreements in the form of public auctions in joint venture companies which will have as the aim the exploitation of the rich seams of raw materials we have at our disposal with strict elements of control so our rights are safeguarded. We already have the example of the Cosco agreement, the agreement of the Burgas pipeline and the advancement of Euro 100 billion on behalf of Russia for the maintenance and repair of their war ships on the Island of Siros. Such kinds of auctions can raise the profile of our ports, the exploitation of minerals in the earth, our tourist industry and whatever else aids the economic development of our country without the fear of massive interest rates and burdens which have transformed us into a People subjugated by our creditors.

My own personal opinion of the issue is that nothing can stop us and that we are free to look after our own interests. The Greek people themselves have to seek it with the two countries I spoke about, Russia and China. We of course remain in Europe, free from the colonial type of economic relationship which they have enforced on us and from our obligation to enrich their war industries to which we hand over billions of Euros every year with dramatic consequences for our people.
I am adding today that we have a positive reply to the Committees of Initiative and as a result by its Citizens which would give us all wings and the representatives of the Leagues which take part in today’s manifestation so as to start from today the necessary manoeuvres so as to achieve this great goal. In the case that first the Greek nation accepted it.

My second thought is in relation to NATO. I don’t propose to leave NATO today as under the current conditions it is quite difficult. I know this would satisfy Andreas Papandreou but not his erstwhile followers as today they don’t agree with their old selves.
My questions are two: The first is related to today’s enemies of the USA and NATO, as yesterday’s no longer exist. To be part of NATO means that its enemies are also our enemies. So are the Serbs, the Russians, the Afghans, the Iraquis and Iranians our enemies? For which reason?

The next question is in relation to the Aegean. Mr Davadoglou tells us again and again that he and “George” (that’s what he calls the Greek Prime Minister) are doing business in the Aegean, which implies that, behind this business, NATO is hidden and the master is the USA. We therefore want to learn if what is being said by the Turkish colonel is true and if so what type of business is this? Are they in NATO happy enough that they have decided to hand over half the Aegean to Turkey? What else do they want?

In 1975, in the context of my efforts towards Greek-Turkish Friendship, I first spoke about the perspective of our co-exploitation of the deposits in the Aegean, which I thought would bring our countries together

Part 7
I discovered the fact that the USA had placed natural resources in their strategic reserves which they will not allow to be exploited until the time they need them for their exclusive use and not before. The saga of conflict in the Aegean between Greece and Turkey confirms this view and clearly shows that behind the actions of the two governments was the hand of the Americans who created these key crises in order to avoid any unilateral or joint attempt at exploitation. But as stated by Professor Theodore Karyotis: for over 25 years, the concept of the Continental Shelf has been overtaken by that of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). The 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea (Article 121 Paragraph 2) explicitly states that all islands have the right to an EEZ and an EEZ of the continental shelf out from the island in the same way as the larger land masses such as the Mainland.

Therefore, for these EEZ’s on the Continental Shelf of the Aegean islands, Turkey cannot use the argument that our islands don’t have Sea Rights or that they are resting on the Shelf of Anatolia. The Agreement has abolished the geological meaning of Sea Rights and thus Turkey has lost another argument.

So as to extend its sea rights, Turkey has forced us to reduce our national waters 6 miles instead of 12 on the basis of the infamous Casus Belli, the threat of war, which still exists under International Law. The governments of both political parties when in power rushed to adapt to these new proposals. Our Movement aims to return to the 12 miles, having previously placed in our country a limitless bastion of hundreds of missiles with which we can say to all those who threaten us ‘Molon Lave’ – “Come and Get Us!” (a classical expression of defiance in response to the Persian army's demand that the Spartans surrender their weapons at the Battle of Thermopylae).

I apologize for my reference to technical details which are pretty much unknown to the general public, but it will help us to better understand the game being played in the Aegean for many years by both USA-dependent governments, culminating in the mystery behind the recent Greek-Turkish high level contacts.

Why is it that from 1982 to date, Greece has not set its own Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), as do almost all the countries of the world including Turkey in its part of the Black Sea? Why, when Cyprus created its own EEZ in 2004 and called Greece to do the same so as to unite both EEZ’s did we refuse? Inside this common EEZ of Greece and Cyprus, naturally the issue of Kastellorizo would come up (closely related dispute with Turkey)?

Is that why Greece got frightened by Turkey and backtracked? Cyprus didn’t take this issue into account and signed an EEZ agreement with Israel and left Turkey out of it…

They say that large deposits of oil are located in the triangle between Kastellorizo, Crete and Cyprus and for this reason, in the last period Turkey has developed a particular activity in Kastellorizo, which aims to keep Greece out of the EEZ. Let us wait and see the result of the relevant discussions, in the meantime let us take these issues into account:

First, that with the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea, our rights change fundamentally towards the Aegean.

Secondly that Kastellorizo remains exclusively in the Greek EEZ and as such, blocks Turkey having common borders with the EEZ and Egypt. And,

Thirdly for this reason, Egypt, pressurised by Turkey, backed down and didn’t sign the agreement on the borders of the EEZ between Greece and itself. The same occurred with Albania under pressure from Turkey. We are talking about an arena of hundreds of billions of Euros, a game played for many years back without informing the Greek nation or the Greek Parliament. Both governments are playing this game with other international interests and hiding it from our people

To negotiate with the U.S. and NATO while maintaining an amicable
settlement if they so wish and in whatever degree of cooperation
agreed upon by both sides. The same with Europe. And


Sixth: To concentrate all our forces, so our economic problems can be
solved largely by ourselves. For this purpose, our own people should
develop a detailed, scientifically sound and workable plan to
realistically utilize the potential of the country, both human and
material.


Dear Friends,
In any proposal for a radical shift in the policy that we have
followed to this day, the question heard is "But will the Americans
allow us?". This shows us how much our people today is corrupted by
their dependence on foreigners and that is why we are obliged to
follow to the last dot all the instructions, all the rules, which
originate from the USA, NATO and the European Banks. That same mindset
causes us to vote for the politicians and the parties which are
recognised as the benefactors of the West. We saw what the Big Powers
did to us when we rebelled in the 1960’s with the basic demand of
Democracy: they imposed the 7 year Dictatorship on us which ended
after the revolt of the Polytechnic. They then penalised us by giving
the green light to the Turks to militarily take over 40% of Cyprus. I
remember Mitsotakis saying to me in the Maximos (Presidential Palace)
that “…the Americans are angry with me and I must await the end”. When
my brother Yiannis asked him why don’t you react sir? Mitsotakis
replied: “What did you want me to do…rebel…to go on the streets and
demand “OUT WITH THE AMERICANS?””


And who doubts the wrath of the Americans when Kostas Karamanlis who
opened Greece to the Russians and the Chinese and especially to the
“NO” he dared to say to Bush, face-to-face, at the NATO Summit in
Bucharest thereby blocking Skopje from joining the Great Military
Alliance?


These are truths that no one is discusses, because they are afraid,
and others, the rulers (politicians and journalists) are hooked to the
chariot of Dependence. But all these terrible things are no longer a
threat to Greece and the Greek people but only to the Elites. In other
words, today the Americans have the power to intervene only in the
realms of economic and political power. So the fear exists only at the
top of our national life, not at the level of the people - if they
would have the ability and courage to decide an independent and free
course in accordance with their own interests - and to express their
own will without asking anyone.


I confess that I worked for the Karamanlis solutions recognizing the
power of our Dependence on the Americans and knowingly making that
compromise. Let's not forget that in 1973 when I spoke for the
Karamanlis solution it was just 23 years after the end of the Civil
War, when the Americans virtually ruled Greece, having penetrated
deeply into the Army, the Police, Economy, State, and the political
system using the main instrument of the Throne. And from April 21,
1967 they imposed a regime of open Military Dictatorship.


I remember in Washington in 1974 an American military man asking me
what was the point of the ‘Karamanlis solution’. I told him that:
“Today with the Junta you have 100%’ with the solution Karamanlis you
will have 50%...for…now…”


So I knew firsthand that we were obliged to compromise because they
had 100% control of the armed forces, the police state and the
corroded state and public sector ...


But with these words "for now!", I indicated that the day would arrive
when the danger of a repeat of 1967 would be at an end. This day has
arrived! That is why I came back to the struggle. I see the weakness
of the Americans, their inability to intervene dynamically, due above
all to the erosion of their own political-economic infrastructure, and
arising from that, all the political forces for Dependency, economic
and propagandistic are on a path of economic, political and moral
disintegration.


Final Part

So I firmly believe that the balance of forces that prevail today would assist in ensuring that the victory of a patriotic solution is 100% assured. The only barrier to it lies in the lack of belief in it by the Greek people. Let us understand it clearly: we are free! As long as we believe it and so turn our back on the open and hidden American collaborators of every type and organise the unity of the People based on the Independence of the country and the Freedom of the People to choose solutions in their own interest.

Finally, I would like to return to the issue of foreign dependence, because most, if not all Greeks, associate it with the presence of troops of occupation or overt mechanisms of repression. But as we have seen, many other refined and invisible methods of enforced dependence exist to an unaware and unsuspecting public, as from 1974 to today, where, after the fall of the Junta we experienced the system of parliamentary democracy.

I mentioned earlier my personal experience as from January 1973 when the KKE (Communist Party) and Andreas Papandreou ruled out any possibility of unity of the resistance forces. That unity, based on the will and the power of the people, was the only way to free us from the Junta. I undertook the historic responsibility to load them with the weight on the "Karamanlis Solution” which was to relieve us from military control, but would immediately have two extremely negative characteristics. First it would indulge the nationalist politicians who were primarily responsible for the advent of the junta and second, would perpetuate the dominant presence of the Americans, albeit with a falsely benign form of rule. The responsible officials in the U.S., especially after the uprising centred on the Polytechnic, were looking for ways to get rid of the military and agreed with me on the Karamanlis Solution. So I was invited to Washington in June 1974 to mediate in order for Karamanlis to fulfil this role.



I have no regrets for the historical role I undertook, primarily because I thought, above all, that living under conditions of dictatorship was far harder than in a system of parliamentary democracy and secondarily because I hoped that, in the new conditions, we would have the opportunity to fight to rid ourselves of the scourge of the Americans, once and for all. From these sentiments arose my efforts aimed at achieving unity of the Left, which, unfortunately, were unsuccessful. With events associated with the efflux of time, particularly American decline and given the results of PASOK's first four years, when Americans lost their main strongholds of dictatorial control of our country: the armed forces, police and sensitive areas of the state apparatus, so that they cannot threaten us anymore with the known more direct ways which, however, still persist as nightmares to paralyse our people, who still believe that nothing can be done without the approval of Americans.


That's why I want to shout aloud to all Greeks: THERE IS NO CHANCE OF A NEW 1967! And the influence of the U.S., NATO and European banks is bound to face the decision of the Greek people to search for radical solutions that will work for us, which will not undermine our key strategic interests. And that is why I have said that our goals should be aimed at safeguarding our national and popular interests or agreements with various countries, either by eliminating the conditions which affect our sovereign rights, our economic development and dependence on international centres, which either subjugate us financially (as with the Memorandum and the Troika) or take us along paths which aren’t in accordance with World Peace and the respect for the sovereignty of nations (like our military cooperation with Israel).

Under these circumstances I believe we are perfectly free to move without delay to effect the salvation and rebirth our nation. Free! Free! Free!


Goodbye for now!